Où que P and n’importe où, non specifying pro-forms, occupy regularly positions which are more satellite than those of forms such as qu- que P and n’importe qu-. The aim of this study will be to describe how relations between n’importe où or où que P and verbal nucleus interfere with their semantic functioning: concessive, negative polarity or free choice effects. Où que P seems to prefer the value of concessive conditionals without denying the use of polarity or the use of free choice. In the latter situation we essentially observe a more condensed integration. On the other hand, n’importe où functions generally as a free choice marker, but it accepts exceptionally a polarity application in all contexts supporting a downward monotone orientation. In this case, it prefers a more loose connection with the main clause or with one of its constituents.